Multilateralism Matters

If I were to commit a crime, I know where I’d go…

2007-11-01T14:38:00.001-07:00

I'd go home to Manila of course.

President Macapagal-Arroyo pardoned ousted president Joseph Estrada of all his crimes (stealing billions of pesos, you know nothing major).

What the hell. Not only have I been holed up in Library L for the past few months writing why our government can't address terrorism, but now I have this little facet to add to my thesis: we are going to be stuck in this pit of idiocracy until someone realizes that stealing money from a country's citizens is not comparable to merely pissing in public then getting a ticket. Not even sure if Estrada got a ticket, but I know he be chilling in his mansion in a sad state of house arrest.

Political commentator, singer, and the man that makes my grandmothers swoon, Jim Paredes, wrote his own blog on this issue here.

Dr. Strangelove in Washington

2007-08-06T19:52:00.000-07:00

The prime example of dual-use.

Field Research in the Philippines

2007-07-23T12:51:00.000-07:00

In May, I had the unique opportunity of conducting field research in Manila, Philippines on the government’s counter-terrorism strategies.

One of my research havens was the Philippine Daily Inquirer’s corporate office in Makati, the country's main financial district. The building, tucked away from the hustle and bustle of the city’s main avenue, was perhaps the only one on the block that looked pristine and professional. The library was closed for no particularly good reason the first time I went. By the second time, when I knew it was open, I walked up to the library and was promptly stopped buy a security guard. I needed a pass. After I got my pass and signed my name in a ratty notebook, I went up to the library, where I was stopped yet again. My bag was unreasonably large and I had to leave it with another security guard. I signed my name in a second notebook, found a computer and began looking for articles. The ridiculous bureaucracy from the lobby to the 2nd floor wasted about an hour of my time.

Luckily, the search-engine powered archive of the newspaper made looking up articles easy enough. I brought out a flash drive to copy the articles onto, but was surprised to learn that flash drives were not allowed. I was not about to resort to printing out 300 pages, so I offered money to the lady helping me for the files. She said they charged per kilobyte. And given my files were about 800 kilobytes each, I was going to spend at least $200 on a Word document. My answer was no. The cheaper method, printing every single article, took about a day and a half. I returned to the newspaper and picked up a weighty pile.

I was also able to access the Ateneo de Manila’s library. A friend of mine who attended classes there, decided to take me along. We had breakfast along the main road by the university, after sitting in an hour of traffic. When we got to the library, I was surprised at how easy it was to obtain a guest pass. However, my trip was not without further signings into record notebooks and queries from security guards about my intentions in a university library.

The library was unlike any other university library I had been to. The books were old and outdated. Given that my topic was more about contemporary issues, I was not able to get as many sources as I expected. Since I could not check anything out either, I proceeded to get chapters and, in some occasions, entire books copied in a photocopier. In the Western professional world, there is typically no need to hire an extra person to make copies of documents, but in the Philippines, any little job that a person could do himself, is done by another human being. As the employee began copying books, I wondered how that would fly in the United States. Course readers in universities alone are expensive enough, given that proper liberties must be paid for copyrights. In Manila, a simple guest in a library could violate copyrights without a blink of an eye. Recognizing that other people would have malicious intentions with this loophole, I pledged to keep my copies to myself – and only to myself.

I also found it particularly challenging to obtain interviews on my topic. While some officials were rather open about being interviewed, given my personal or familial relationships with them, I often found that it was not me, or them, but my topic that was sensitive to the method of interviewing. My grandfather, who was in a position of power during one of the first significant terror attacks in 1995, would not give me anything more than curses and regrets in regards to what happened. Although a relatively fresh phenomenon in Philippine politics, terrorism is not exactly on the minds of the country’s citizens. My friends, who have grown-up in very influential environments, are calloused to the threat. I often found that petty matters were more important to them. My family, forever caught in the whirlwind of domestic political party matters, was too busy to deal with the transnational issue of terrorism. For them, politics was about winning positions during the elections, and it had little to do with what politicians do with their power. Addressing the issue of terrorism meant making a speech, and not employing new tactics.

Everywhere I went during my research trip, whether it was to a contact’s home or another library, it was no secret that the Philippines is besieged with poverty. It was not a rare occurrence to have children begging at my car window on my way to a location, or to pass by the miles and miles of slum areas to maneuver through traffic.

The answer to my thesis question may have been in the simple observations I made during my trip. The government’s efforts to counter terrorism have been inefficient because of the characteristics of the country itself. The people are poor, save for the small fraction of the exploitative elite, and the government is knee-deep in bureaucracy.

The U.S. has always played a part in the affairs of its former (and only) colony. But when Uncle Sam is gone, the Philippines stands alone, clueless and confused about how to handle its own problem. With terrorism, the story is no different. U.S. troops stationed in the island of Mindanao can train Philippine soldiers, but without them, the country would be back to page one. Terrorism requires a steadfast move in the right direction, but with a country that is often found going backwards, it is going to take a while to take the first step on its own.

Schoolchairs for Guns

2007-07-11T14:04:00.000-07:00

Good on you, Colombia for destroying some 14,000 firearms today.

I hesitate to search for a statistic on how many people (on average) could be killed by a single firearm, because this would present several anomalies. Let’s just say that with this firearm destruction, at least 14,000 people might not die from firearm use.

The UN Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC), a body more reputable than I, gathered these statistics, however: “Seventy-seven percent of the firearms scheduled for destruction were illegal. Of those, 60 percent were illicitly manufactured, 31 percent are privately owned and 9 per cent belong to the armed forces." For a country with a high crime rate such as Colombia, this could be considered a significant step in enhancing human security.

The ceremony took place at a National Plant for Metal Work and the metal proceeds will be used to construct schoolchairs and build a monument for Colombian victims of violence and kidnapping.

Happy International Gun Destruction Day!

the new personal security: the blog

2007-07-02T20:20:00.000-07:00

In the YouTube era, she reasoned, it is harder to kill a man who has a bit of Internet renown.

Awareness is the new self-defense.

Prologue: Enter Ms. X

2007-06-19T13:30:00.000-07:00

During the Cold War, George Kennan of the "father of containment" fame, produced a sound effect on the world of international relations. He penned the Mr. X article, and the Cold War took a new turn. His comprehensive analysis of the Soviet threat and how to deter it became the foundation of American leaders' ability to ensure the country's security in the global arena.

The power of his words, when interpreted by Cold War U.S. government officials, ultimately changed our history. Kennan did more than just define the enemy, but he allegedly exposed, rather accurately, the enemy's intentions and methods. Several decades later, the birth of the Mr. X article is still considered a significant Cold War milestone. Kennan was the boy who cried containment, but what ensued was tragically infamous U.S.-Soviet arms race.

George Kennan was but a single man with an instrument we are all equipped with -- our words. His story is proof that the power of words are enough to shape the course of history.

The globalized world is the current palette of history, and the gift of technology has made it much easier for anyone to disseminate their words to any and all who which to read. It's about time that we consider the current layout of the international community: growing interdependence, as a result of globalization, is forcing countries to cooperate on a multilateral level.

It's about time this layout is explored.

Welcome to Multilateralism Matters. May it become to you a valuable resource on news relating to multilateral issues in the international community.

A New Reform

2007-06-17T22:56:00.000-07:00

Multilateralism Matters is currently UNDER CONSTRUCTION.

Stay tuned. A huge reform is in the works.

back from the field

2007-06-07T20:42:00.000-07:00

Since my last, rather dated, post, I have been travelling extensively. My honor's thesis research for International Relations was generously sponsored by the USC Center on International Studies. I learned a lot from my field research experience, which I will be documenting more eloquently in the coming days. Research in a developing country certainly sparked several realizations worth sharing!

After my 2 week research trip, I am currently preparing for an internship at the UN NGO Committee on Disarmament, Peace and Security, where I assume I will be doing predominantly programs and research work. I am quite excited to see what kind of work I will be doing, plus the UN pass is always a bonus. I know that this opportunity will be a great one.

Updates to come...

goodbye boris, and my Russian dog name fantasies

2007-04-26T00:27:00.000-07:00

1931-2007, RIP.

I love Russian names. A few years ago, I told several colleagues of mine that my next dog would be named after a Soviet/Russian politician. I also happened to be slightly immersed in everything Cold War, so perhaps this is what sparked my interest. Their names just roll off the tongue so nicely. And since I do not think my children would necessarily fit these exquisite names (unless I marry Russian), I conveniently decided to bestow all my future dogs with Russian names.

My top choices:
Andropov (nickname: Andy)
Gorbachev (nickname: Gorby)
Nikita (this one would bang his paws on the table)
Adlai (this dog would eventually lose 2 presidential races)

And to think, my future pets will have names that carry HISTORY, a much-needed departure from lazy names like "Fluffy" and "Spot."

My current dog's name is Ivan. It's a start.

The World Since Les Misérables

2007-04-24T15:32:00.000-07:00

Victor Hugo’s revolutionary Les Misérables preached timeless themes of peace, love and hope for the future, but his brutal picture of a miserable, ignorant world is no different from ours today. What the world might have missed from the author’s message

Victor Hugo once said, “If a writer wrote merely for his time, I would have to break my pen and throw it away.” With his masterpiece, Les Misérables, Hugo clearly wrote for an audience beyond his time. In 1862, his revolutionary novel echoed enduring themes – themes that were cures for the ills of his day. But these cures are no different from the ones needed to address the problems of our time. Did Hugo manage to accurately predict that the world would still be plagued with the same ills today? Or did his audience simply not get his message?The novel encapsulated immortal themes to overcome common human struggles, but a century has passed and learning from Hugo’s work is still pending.

Despite the massive changes brought by the tide of history, Hugo’s nineteenth century world strangely resembles ours. We may be endowed with more sophisticated technology like water filters, hybrid cars, iPods, the Internet and Japanese-made robots, but the state of the world is not without a Les Mis-esque brand of injustice, despair and carnage.

In the 20th century, history featured events that go beyond Hugo’s simple depiction of an 1832 bloody street revolution led by student activists. The major powers in the international system took up arms in 1919 and the clash that ensued was World War I. The failure of economic institutions led to the Great Depression in 1929 and World War II followed soon after in 1937. Facism and Nazism, two belief systems that sought to reorder a chaotic society, eventually claimed lives of millions.

Contemporary history is still not without Hugo’s original concepts of human struggles. The world is burdened with the War in Iraq, civil war and unrest, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, transnational terrorism and criminal networks, vast poverty and inequality, religious extremism and the diminishing sustainability of the planet. Human struggles have, needless to say, transcended the barriers of time.

Interwoven in Hugo’s work is a foundational truth – that overcoming ignorance and misery is possible, despite the obstacles that stand in the way. Hugo’s portrait of Jean Valjean, Les Misérables’ protagonist, embodies just that. Valjean’s conversion from Prisoner 24601 to a hero for others follows Hugo’s bold thesis that man is perfectible and able to overcome whatever challenges he encounters in life.

Hugo’s point was neither subliminal nor in fine print – his hero underwent a radical transformation. And it was this transformation that changed his life and the lives of many others in the story, for the better.

When the novel was published in 1862, it was said to cause a stir unrivaled by other published books in history. Were readers from 1862 to the present simply wowed by Hugo’s masterful story-telling? Did those who consume Les Misérables simply take in the story without seeking to apply its themes to redeem the world’s bleak state?

In a world where history is defined by the milestones of conflict, Hugo’s eternal truths are silenced. We may live in a miserable world, but Hugo told us in 1862 that we don’t have to. All we would need is a change of perspective – to open ourselves to a transformation and care for others before ourselves.

In the preface of Les Misérables, Hugo wrote, “so long as ignorance and misery remain on earth, books like this cannot be useless.” In a world plagued with problems that are as timeless as the themes that could solve them, Les Misérables is not a candidate for the far corner of the bookshelf. Since the novel is no stranger to the curriculum of educational systems around the world, maybe it’s about time we started seeking an application of Hugo’s timeless themes.

Then maybe, Hugo’s truths would be more than heard and understood, but revolutionary.

foreign America

2007-04-23T15:08:00.000-07:00

“This election offers us the chance to turn the page and open a new chapter in American leadership,” Mr. Obama said. “The disappointment that so many around the world feel toward America right now is only a testament to the high expectations they hold for us. We must meet those expectations again, not because being respected is an end in itself, but because the security of America and the wider world demands it.”

safety first

2007-04-23T12:15:00.001-07:00

Next up on the agenda, community barbecues and little league soccer teams...

i am clean, therefore democratic

2007-04-19T10:34:00.000-07:00

I indicated in a previous post that a new year brings new statistics. And here's another tidbit, measured recently, that we could all learn from.

An article on Forbes.com extensively identifies the World's Cleanest Cities. Among the usual suspects are two cities in Canada (Calgary, Ottawa), Helsinki, Honolulu and Minneapolis. I am usually not one to critique cleanliness, but I was bothered by a commonality between the cities that author Robert Malone pointed out: that the cities were democratic, therefore clean.

This is a classic case of Western mis-prescription of democracy. When a one-word diagnosis of an issue is needed, democracy is usually the front runner. Not far behind is another word, globalization. It seems like no matter what is wrong with the world, democracy is the generic answer:

Iraq? Democracy.
Sudan? Democracy.
China? Democracy.
Ozone layer? Democracy.
Kim Jong Il? Democracy.
Britney and K-Fed? Democracy.

Can we not attribute cleanliness to other things? Efficient public transportation, proper waste regime, non-use of styrofoam, hybrid cars... there are numerous things that could be taken into consideration. The only time I would consider democracy is considering the factor of formidable institutions (like the EPA), but last time I checked, not all democratic cities are clean anyway.

And, taking a lesson from history, Hitler wanted his Germany to be clean. He even included this important thought in Hitler Youth manuals!

Don't get me wrong, democracy is a wonderful thing, but when we use it as the causal variable to determine a city's cleanliness, maybe we mis-prescribed it somewhere.

Side note: Those 5 cities look damn good. Nice choices, Forbes.

how much is that doggy in the window?

2007-04-18T14:08:00.000-07:00

*arf arf*
...the one who can identify the polycarbonate compound in pirated DVDs?

I guess the one with the waggly tail got the short stick this time.

Two "sniffer dogs" named Lucky and Flo made their Manila debut 2 days ago. They managed to raid one of Manila's more popular hotspots for piracy. According to the report, 300,000 discs were found in the first hour of the raid.

The dogs were brought in from Ireland, where they were trained to sit/freeze upon smelling a certain polycarbonate compound found in discs. Among the seized stash were copies of American, Filipino, Japanese and Korean films. Some of these were said to be pornographic.

Who would have thought that besides man's best friend actually saving man, leading man when he is blind, herding man's sheep, finding man's dope, and being furry, that dogs could actually expose man's underground piracy rings and deprive man of his need for cheap porn.

That copy of 300 doesn't smell right to me...

Surprisingly, they are not as scary one would perceive.

and the winner is...

2007-04-16T14:42:00.000-07:00

The beginning of every year means a lot of things. New beginnings. Spring semester. A rerun of annual holidays. Fireworks on January 1st. And most importantly...

Updated statistics.

The release of the 2007 version of the World Development Indicators (WDI) concludes that the growing inequality in the Philippines has established 15M people living on less than $1 a day.

The less painful statistic, people living on at least $2 a day amounted to approximately 43M. Who knew that the extra dollar would yield a gap of at least 28M people.

Despite the qualification associated with perceiving the state of a single country or the rest of the world, the WDI data provides a "detailed picture of the world." It does not take a case-by-case study of each statistic to prove that poverty is a major problem for the country, and that little has changed in the data over the years.

Like almost all the post-Martial Law politicians, tackling the problem of uneven growth is going to a major factor in this year's midterm elections.

Manila, 2003.

peacekeepers (finally) allowed in Sudan

2007-04-16T12:10:00.000-07:00

Finally, Sudan gives in to the international pressure and allows for a UN peacekeeping force.

2007's 10 plagues

2007-04-15T16:29:00.000-07:00

If you thought the frogs were bad... it could have been worse if it happened today!

business as usual for RP-U.S. relations

2007-04-11T18:21:00.000-07:00

A routine rotation of American forces stationed in the island of Mindanao, in the Philippines, is set to take place. There have been denials of a dramatic troop increase, with officials claiming that these forces are simply being rotated.

Where do we park?

What started as a Visiting Force has evolved into a military exercise, and now, more specifically, a Joint Special Operations Task Force. President Arroyo's hard line stance on the country's domestic and international terrorist involvement perfectly complemented her (and predecessors' Ramos and Estrada) policy: bring in Uncle Sam to teach his little Asian comrade to fight.

The international image of the Philippines as an island haven for international terrorists, its link to transnational terrorist network al-Qaeda, and the extensive knowledge its radical Islam followers have of bomb-making/detonating/acquiring/kidnapping-for-ransom and the like, will not land unnoticed in the lap of this American administration. Clearly for Bush, it hasn't.

To America, the Philippines, I believe, is like an annoying sibling that cannot seem to stand on its own. Perpetually seeking favor with America, Arroyo has steered foreign policy towards staying on Uncle Sam's good side. America, on the other hand, cannot wait for the Philippines to deal with its own problems, and grow up. Like a younger brother that cannot teach himself to use the computer.

But similes aside, the Philippines is in no way capable of handling its terrorist problem. While citizens are arguably numbed to the gravity of situation, as these groups continue to align themselves with more intricately linked goals (separatist, terrorist or otherwise), the government will soon find itself in the epitome of a Third World crisis: poverty, terrorism, poor institutional infrastructure, and capital flight.

Arguments against the U.S. involvement in counterterrorism efforts should be completely ignored. Next time the Armed Forces or the intelligence agencies can efficiently coordinate a response to a terrorist attack, maybe I'll open up my ears again. If the local government can't even handle an efficienct flashflood response, then who are we to shut the door in America's face. For something as globally-oriented as terrorism, it is not possible to go at it alone.

Bush in Barong (national dress). It "suits" him, if you ask me.

el youtube

2007-04-09T18:58:00.000-07:00

Don't you just love it when international criminals harness the tools of globalization?

protectionism vs. liberalization?

2007-04-09T13:17:00.000-07:00

Seeking the optimal balance between trade protectionism and liberalization is an oft explored topic in implementing foreign economic policy. To determine the right policy, I usually picture renowned policy-makers disregarding the micro- and macroeconomic models that proclaim sense, and turn to the situation with politics in mind.

Time and time again, it has been noted that not everyone reaps the benefits of globalization. Asymmetrical trade in the international system is often considered the culprit.

Familiar cases of such are completely random (well, at least to me). Who knew that countries would fight over dolphin-safe tuna (U.S.-Mexico) or wood (U.S.-Canada)? Everyday products as menial as tuna or wood apparently make large waves in the realm of economic policy-making. Politicians, in particular, need to know that tuna and wood will make people happy.

One Federal Reserve Banker noted a few months ago over a breakfast conference, "please do all you can to resist the urge to protect." The need for multinational companies to keep the machinery of globalization well-oiled with openness to the markets, would apparently spread globalization's benefits, instead of concentrating them. He noted, however, that politicians would most likely say otherwise, because of the concern that would be generated regarding job/profit loss as a result of competition with foreign products.

There is no simple formula to implement across all cases: protectionism and liberalization must vary from case-to-case or more specifically, from country-to-country.

this is how we do it

2007-04-08T21:50:00.000-07:00

The Philippine midterm elections are coming up next month, and once again, we prove that anything political can be a riot if we truly try hard enough. Legislative and local positions are up for grabs for literally ANYONE who has the money and the charisma to try.

What is the criteria? Well, you must be a Philippine citizen, age may vary depending on position (older=wiser=higher position=more money to steal), and most importantly the candidate must have to read and write. It's just like getting into elementary school!

The general divide in the political circus is: Together Everyone Achieves More (TEAM) Unity (Filipinos are SO CORNY) and the Genuine Opposition (not just any, but the genuine kind). With their respoective party leaders: Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and Joseph Estrada. Estrada is still in jail the last time I checked, and Arroyo might as well join him.

Who are this year's funniest candidates? One is Richard Gomez who is the Philippine equivalent of Tom Cruise (why? Because his wife is taller than him, mostly, and fine, he makes a lot of money doing what he does... acting) and Cesar Montano. I'd say Montano is the Billy Bob Thornton equivalent. He's tattoo-ed up and a washed-up actor, need I say more?

I cannot rest easy knowing that the fate of my country may lie in the hands of lunatics! We all know that money makes the lives of these people go 'round... but they are not simply living within their means, politicians can easily purchase houses, BMWs, Mercedes-Benzs for all their wives and girlfriends... it's just madness.

On a personal note, my father's sister is running for Congress. My father, being the good brother that he is, is the official "money holder" of the campaign. He simply walks around with his bodyguards (some are not really bodyguards but unemployed "friends" he brought with him from the U.S. who could use a couple bucks), holding the money purse, going back and forth to the banks and so forth. The money holder is responsible for purchasing all things for the campaign. So far, he and my grandfather have hired magicians, singers, and dancers to be part of the official campaign. Hopefully people are mesmerized by this entertainment and my aunt wins her seat (yeah right!).

U.S. elections are not as fun as this, I believe. We're all serious with cancer coming back and forth in some candidates and concerned about whether he/she stands for abortion or implementing an exit strategy in Iraq. In the Philippines, all that matters is that your candidate entertains you enough to make you pencil in their name on your ballot.

pressure on Iran

2007-03-20T10:54:00.000-07:00

"For years, President Bush has been pressing President Vladimir Putin of Russia to cut off help to Iran on the nuclear power plant that Russia is building at Bushehr, in southern Iran..."

China what?

2007-03-19T13:43:00.000-07:00

Extremely tardy follow up to this and that.

Casually whisper the word China in the beckoning ears of foreign policy thought leaders today, and you would obtain several responses. A careful separation of the mixture leaves onlookers with “threat” or “opportunity.” Should the world be bracing itself for another surge of communist expansion ala Cold War? Or has globalization eliminated that option and put cooperation at the forefront of foreign policy?

China’s exponential rise to the top of the economic and military strength game has threatened other players in the international system. But it often seems that the most threatened of them all is the ambiguous U.S. dominance in the Asia-Pacific. Even China’s closest neighbors have yet to express true fear of China’s rise, while

U.S.

policy makers continually warn of countering the threat once it becomes feasible and convenient.

The Bush administration, in particular, has been criticized for its confusing perception of China. Although it often difficult to draw a line between a “right” and “wrong” answer in the realm of foreign policy, the Administration has engaged and enraged China in recent years.

It might have been Clinton’s Democratic flair to push for engaging China as a partner, but by the dawn of 2001, his years of attempting to romance China into a substantial cooperative relationship were overridden by Bush’s “to fear or not to fear” outlook on the East Asian giant.

If the U.S. took a hearty tip from some of China’s geopolitical neighbors in the Asia-Pacific region, it would not take a lot to determine that the greater threat is a weak China. Also, Chinese leaders never tire of iterating that displacing U.S. power is not on the foreign policy agenda. Even Prime Minister Wen Jiabao has been quoted as reminding the rest of the world that China’s surging economic growth can often be, “unbalanced, uncoordinated, unstable and unsustainable.”

In response to China’s military expenditures, the CIA World Factbook ranks China at 27 with expenditures totaling 4.3% of GDP. The U.S. is not far behind at 30 with expenditures at 4.06% of GDP. Given China’s estimated $10 trillion GDP and the United States’ $13 trillion GDP, China still spends less than the U.S. does on arming itself.

China also creeps way behind the military spending of some developing countries, who boast an estimated 13% of GDP.

However, numbers can be difficult to digest. The psychological threat of China's rise could be observed by taking a look at every day items that contain the perennial MADE IN CHINA emblem. The truth remains that China is more present in an average person’s life than before. And China is here to stay.

So what must be reformed on the U.S. agenda? As the Asia-Pacific grows into a more dangerous environment with the North Korean nuclear negotiations, China remains a strong contender for a U.S. ally on regional and global peace.

Maybe its time for the Administration to classify this threat as a “false alarm.” China’s peaceful rise need not stir a repeat of the Cold War’s mistakes. It’s about time the U.S. took advantage of the opportunity China presents to the world.

let's Doha it again?

2007-03-07T23:23:00.000-08:00

Getting back to the negotiating table at the World Trade Organization may appease the developing world – is liberalization the price we have to pay?

With the memory of the Doha Round collapse in July 2006 still fresh in the minds of foreign economic policy-makers, is it too early for the world to consider returning to the negotiating table? Members of the developing world are still waiting for their chance at equity in the often chaotic arena of the global economy, and the trade round format is all the international system has to serve these needs. Though the stalemate that ensued in 2006 led to skepticism regarding the World Trade Organization’s credibility as an international forum for economic policy, it has the potential to redeem itself, given that members of the developed world are ready to make concessions on liberalization.

Despite the features of the WTO that arguably restrain the organization’s chances at success, Doha’s predecessor, the Uruguay Round managed to formally establish the WTO in place of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. The Uruguay Round also started negotiations on the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). The fruit of the ambitious Uruguay Round most certainly reflected on the growing impact of the WTO on multilateral trade, but the succeeding Doha Round produced a lost opportunity for the developing world, in particular.

Doha’s focus on development highlighted negotiations to offset the negative effect of uneven development, but negotiators often seemed unclear on how development should be promoted. Would more or less trade benefit the developing world? Most members of the developing world clearly wanted more opportunities to trade.

One of the main causes for the failure of the Doha Round was the stalemate that ensued regarding agricultural and industrial exports. The strength of the G-20, a predominant bloc of developing countries led by Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, and South Africa allegedly prevented the bigger economic players, such as the U.S. and the European Union, from reaching a concession. Members of the G-20 were adamant about the agricultural protectionism that seemed characteristic of the developed world’s economic policies, which made them unable to compete in the global market.

While the developed countries pursued an agenda to open up trade from the countries of the developing world, they barely made concessions to open up their own trade for the sake of protection.

Developed countries also negotiated on Non-Agricultural Market Access (NAMA), which called for drastic cuts on the non-agricultural tariffs of developing countries. In exchange, the developed countries offered to cut their own tariffs by a small amount. This inequitable offer, was, naturally, refused by the members of the G-20.

It was no secret that the liberalization mechanisms sponsored by the WTO were bound to leave much discontent in the developing world.

Since the high-profile collapse of the Doha Round last July, there have been low-key negotiations with smaller groups of countries on a follow-up to the round. The U.S. and the EU in particular, have met with leaders from Brazil and India regarding making further concessions to possibly resuscitate earlier negotiations on tariffs and subsidies for protection. Although ongoing negotiations are reportedly making progress, there have been setbacks on formally restarting the talks at the WTO. Disagreements between the U.S. and the EU and missed deadlines have loomed over the heads of the diplomats involved, pressuring several to quicken the pace of negotiations.

And it’s about time. Merely letting the failure of the Doha Round sit on the plate of foreign policy was not going to foster a settlement between the battling divisions of the international community. The reported “quiet diplomacy” that has taken the place of formal negotiations has led to accusations of a lack of transparency.

Seeking an optimal point for the relationship between protectionism and liberalization of trade is going to be the biggest hurdle for the forthcoming negotiations. But what is prescribed by economic models is not always the final solution in the global economy, where the assumption of ceteris paribus has no place. However, the issue of developed countries’ protection emerged prior to the Doha Round. It merely reached a messy apex during the actual trade round negotiations, and it is about time to reconsider a change in policy.

Richard Fisher, president and chief executive officer of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas recently indicated during a statement to the Pacific Council on International Policy, “Do everything you can to resist the temptation to protect… we benefit by having an open world to sell into.” Despite the outcome of the Doha Round, the structure of the global economy remains predominantly protected by sovereign governments, all of which are at different stages of economic development.

Grasping the concept of less-than-full reciprocity will be critical for establishing a stronger foundation for the next trade round. When the developed world heads back to the negotiating table, the countries must be prepared to make significant concessions in order to strike a sound agreement. If this would mean liberalizing trade, maybe they could consider it a gesture made to revive the credibility of the WTO and restore justice in the global economy.

Not every trade round is doomed to fail, nor is any negotiation on an important issue such as development destined to be neglected by those afflicted by its negative effects. Rounds could collapse but the need for countries to secure stability in the global economy will remain.

what to do about the big C

2007-03-07T12:18:00.000-08:00

The boss' remarks found here.

Pacific Council President, Geoffrey Garrett began his keynote address at the Southwest Assembly for the Next Generation Project on The U.S. Global Policy and the Future of International Institutions, held on October 19-21 in Dallas, TX, with a simple question. “What to do about China?” was the focus of Garrett’s address, and how to direct U.S. policy towards engaging China and maintaining stability in Asia.

Garrett noted that in Washington, the administration seems to be avoiding this important question in public, but is privately advocating active engagement of China. One notion seems to be governing Congress, that “China is bad,” but to what extent and in what capacity is unknown. Garrett argued that China should be treated like an opportunity for the U.S. The perception of China as an opportunity over a threat would more likely foster a cooperative environment in Asia, as opposed to a hostile one.

He also addressed the growing concept of a classical divide between U.S. consumers and U.S. corporations, and how these two groups perceive China’s growing role in the international system. Garrett gave the example of Wal-Mart, where China undoubtedly plays a large role in providing low-priced goods to American consumers and manages to push out competition from U.S. firms. The threat this creates for the domestic economy manifests in the large bilateral trade deficit between the two countries, and how it negatively effects overall U.S. economic growth. Garrett noted that several notable figures in the Bush administration have taken significant steps to manage the special economic relationship the U.S. has with China, but they have not been particularly strong in defending their policies.

Garrett offered two points on “what is going to happen” to U.S.-China economic relations, and how this would affect the role of the U.S. in Asian regional affairs. First, he stated that Chinese economic growth will slow down, which would adversely affect the U.S. and the rest of Asia. Garrett argued that China is “not a house of cards” but that China is poised to face several challenges relating to energy, the environment, and the domestic financial system. Although Garrett noted that China’s average of 10% growth per year has had a positive impact on the U.S. and Asia, he argued that the government’s strategy of “fueling growth” through extensive investment in the economy will eventually lead to its downfall. He advocated for moving towards a “gradual equilibrium” between the two economies, and being concerned about China’s economic growth stopping because of the potential destabilizing effects this would create.

The second point that Garrett made argued that there would be an increase in the anti-Chinese lobby in the U.S. He argued that if China’s economy becomes more oriented towards domestic demand over foreign demands for exports, the likelihood of a shift towards U.S. production in China increases. If the U.S. were to move a lot of its production to China, Garrett stated, then the economy will experience further increases in the deficit. Garrett also touched on recent news regarding the massive amount of Treasury bills (T-bills) held by China’s banking institutions. This massive amount of reserves, Garrett argues, should be used to purchase more productive assets to further production and economic growth, instead of sitting idly in the banks.

Garrett also discussed the role of India on this issue, and in particular, if India is “the next China.” He claimed that the pace of Indian economic reform is slowing down, and that there are several reasons for this. The U.S.-India Civilian Nuclear Technology Agreement was one facet that was highlighted, as the political implications of this agreement have resonated in Indian domestic politics. Garrett’s concern regarding this agreement focused on Indian nationalism and the potential effects it would have on the government of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. As Garrett noted, “his reputation is based on this deal.” The implications this has for India’s desire for a permanent membership in the UN Security Council also presents problems for U.S. nuclear exceptionalism and how it relates to the recent issues with North Korea and Iran. While India’s growth has become politically and economically important in recent years, Garrett argues that India “does not seem economically salient” and India does not play into politics as much as China does.

Garrett managed to discuss the cooperative environment in Asia, as well, citing the failure of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and the relative success of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as prime examples of institutional arrangements. While the U.S. played a major role in establishing APEC, the lack of significant action during the Asian Financial Crisis diminished the credibility of APEC as a regional institution. The recent phenomenon of forming institutions in Asia out of the “ASEAN +” framework has been helpful in moving towards what Garrett termed an “Asian community.” The community-building initiatives that have been undertaken by institutions like the ASEAN+3 and ASEAN+6 have shown that Asia may be attempting to mirror the European Community. These multilateral efforts, Garrett stated, have proven three things in Asia. One, that “China is winning.” Although China is not leading any efforts towards stronger regionalism, all multilateral efforts focus on incorporating “a strong China.” Garrett’s second point revealed that “Japan is losing,” as it has become an outsider in the region. Instead of seeking active participation in these efforts, Japan’s attempts to band with other Asian democracies to counterweigh China’s power have been unsuccessful. Lastly, Garrett mentioned that “the U.S. is absent.” While the U.S. remains uninvolved in these multilateral efforts, it has taken on a policy of bilateralism to reach only particular nations, namely China, Japan, and South Korea.

He also connected his points on Asian institutions with the recent North Korean nuclear test. Garrett argued that the Six Party Talks framework with North Korea holds the potential as the “big pearl of security arrangements” that can come about in Asia. Recent agreements by China, Japan, South Korea, and the U.S. to enforce tough sanctions on North Korea prove that greater cooperation is slowly being formed around a potential robust sanctions regime.

Garrett concluded his address with his thoughts on U.S. policies. He noted that “U.S. policy in Asia is out of step with Asian realities,” and recommended that the U.S. change its perception of China to foster greater engagement. With Asian development on the horizon, the U.S. should be looking towards greater integration and support of the institutional architecture in place. Garrett noted that it is important for the administration to figure out what to do, and seek “creative ways to get into the Asian game.”

the name game

2007-02-27T22:07:00.000-08:00

The International Criminal Court's (ICC) chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, has named names of Darfur war crimes and crimes against humanity suspects and according to current reports, is applying for an official start to proceedings. Senior figures allegedly responsible for several "atrocities" in the Western region of Darfur such as Ahmed Muhammed Harun former interior minister and janjaweed militia leader Ali Mohammed Ali Abd-al-Rahman were two of the names mentioned by Moreno-Ocampo in a press conference in the Hague. Moreno-Ocampo requested support for his endeavor to hold people responsible for the crimes committed in the African country.

Though the ICC has battled with criticisms ranging from "lack of due process," "infringement of sovereignty," and "weak checks and balances," one (i.e. me) cannot discount the few monumental successes. Arrest warrants have been issued to war criminals in Uganda and the Congo in previous years, proving that there is a lot the ICC can do. Yet, there's lots of room for improvement.

This Reformer is choosing "hopeful" as her stance regarding the Darfur proceedings. It may not have that hint of Rwandan gacaca or the Nicole Kidman as Silvia Broome touch of "to-forgive-somone-you-must-first-drown-him-then-actually-save-him" ala The Interpreter, but there's nothing like hearing the sound of the gavel and seeing a suspect's face shift from utterly hopeful to "%*&#!!!!!!!!!" in a heartbeat.

And although Uncle Sam claims that the ICC is not his cup of tea, perchance we Americans can settle with letting a smile unconsciously creep onto our lips when the day comes that CNN's 2" byline space (reserved predominantly for those who fall of cruise ships), moving approximately 10mph, spells "THE HAGUE, NETHERLANDS - DARFUR WAR CRIMINALS CONVICTED IN ICC COURT RULING FOR CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY" on the bottom of our television sets.

China's rise and the Jewish influence?

2007-02-13T23:40:00.000-08:00

Chinese self-help books preach the success of the Jewish?

Stereotypes, once again, could be translated for mass consumption.

Eloquent thoughts on this article will follow...

who really benefits the H1-B system?

2007-02-12T12:51:00.000-08:00

I came across this provocative article the other week, which questions WHO benefits from the U.S. H1-B VISA program.

I find their statistics very interesting -- I did not know, for example, that Indian nationals were the highest applicants for H1-B VISAs. And another surprising little note: these workers usually bring their gained "technology" home to India, therefore benefiting India, and not necessarily the U.S.! The stereotypical realist would disregard this ideal cross-country intellectual exchange and argue that those workers would most likely enjoy the fruit America has to offer, marry the first citizen they lay eyes on to change their H1-B status, and remain in America, unconsciously adding to the immigration problem. Plus, much could be said about the loss of American jobs, and it would be a bigger deal because I am assuming that the workers from India possess high-level skills, and only want to add to that. But my comment on the job loss is: let's compete! A little competition never hurt the American spirit, right?

I don't perceive a threat here, just a healthy exchange of ideas (ahh, globalization)... Let's not be too quick to assume that with this exchange we are "losing" and create an opportunity for a threat.

Enforcing the Peace: The Growth of Asian Peacekeepers at the United Nations

2007-02-12T00:24:00.000-08:00

According to a December 2006 troop contributions report from the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations (“Ranking of Military and Police Contributions to UN Operations”), the top three troop-contributing nations (TCNs) in the international system are developing states in Asia. Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan contributed over 9,000 troops each to UN missions in December 2006 (“Ranking of Military and Police Contributions to UN Operations”). Recent participation of Asian nationals in UN peacekeeping operations has generated interest regarding their abilities as TCNs. With approximately sixteen peacekeeping operations currently ongoing around the world (“United Nations Peacekeeping”), it is no secret that these Asian countries are becoming major instruments for the UNDPKO and, on a larger scale, the UN and the rest of the international community. Although relatively new players in the realm of international peacekeeping, UN peacekeepers from Asia have taken on a more significant role than the peacekeepers from previous middle power TCNs.

The end of the Cold War led to several structural changes in the developing world, often leaving the marks of violence and civil conflict, which were traced back to decolonization. Instability reigned in several states in the international system, and in order to meet the challenge, the United Nations established the Department of Peacekeeping Operations in 1992 (Krishnasamy, 67). The demand for a new framework for peacekeeping called for a more comprehensive approach to addressing civil conflicts, instead of the “traditional” approach associated with peacekeeping at the time. This approach was needed to meet the disastrous effects of civil conflict, which often left states with nothing to rebuild their governments and economies. Peacekeepers were given more responsibilities to meet these growing needs, symbolizing a significant shift away from traditional peacekeeping.

Traditional peacekeeping usually involved unarmed or lightly armed troops and deployment would take place once a ceasefire agreement was installed. Today, multidimensional peacekeeping calls for earlier engagement in conflict. Multidimensional peacekeeping often takes place before a ceasefire is established, making peacekeeping operations the jumpstart to the peace-building process (“United Nations Peacekeeping: Meeting New Challenges”). The prime example of post-Cold War UN peacekeeping is the framework that shaped the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC). The peacekeeping mission in Cambodia from 1991-1993 was the first of its kind, and it included “elements of peacekeeping, peacemaking, economic and social maintenance and nation-building” (Acharya, 121). The new “model” that emerged clearly depicted a new role for the UN to consider in international peacekeeping.

With the new post-Cold War framework, peacemaking began to play an integral role in the UNDPKO, and this particular feat called for several changes within the department. Operations prior to the formal establishment of the UNDPKO concentrated more on traditional peacekeeping, leaving the “inextricable link” to peacemaking neglected (Ratner, 216). A critical point that the UNDPKO managed to address in its early years was improving intelligence for better conflict prevention (Ratner, 223-224). Multidimensional peacekeeping also forced the UN to expand its view of potential participants in the UNDPKO. Since the forces of globalization managed to expand the effects of national problems, the UN had to look beyond the members of the Security Council to set the agenda on peace and security. The UNDPKO called for participation from more member-states, most notably the members of the developing world. The states from the developing world, although not new to taking part in UN peacekeeping missions, soon took on a larger role at the UNDPKO (Ratner, 228).

Since the inception of the UNDPKO, most peacekeeping troops were from middle power or Scandinavian states. Canada was arguably the most prominent TCN, and until this day, peacekeeping is often heralded as Canada’s major contribution to the international system (Jockel, 1). Scandinavian states such as Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden, were also known for being very supportive of UN peacekeeping operations, and their support was manifested by vast amounts of troop contributions. However, the growing complexity surrounding multidimensional peacekeeping operations created several disincentives for these states to allocate troops solely for the UN. Illustrated below is a table containing the most recent figures (December 2006) for TCN rankings:

Table 1. Military and Police Contributions from Select UN Member-States

Ranking	Country	Number of Members
1	Pakistan	9,867
2	Bangladesh	9,681
3	India	9,483
4	Jordan	3,820
5	Ghana	2,694
43	United States	324
50	Finland	239
53	Norway	212
55	Sweden	164
57	Denmark	163
61	Canada	132

Source: Ranking of Military and Police Contributions to UN Operations (Monthly Report). UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations. 31 December 2006. http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/contributors/2006/dec06_2.pdf.

Given these figures, it is obvious that neither Canada nor the Scandinavian states are the major TCNs in the international system. Asian nations, particularly Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan have become the most prominent players. Statistics from December 2000 also show India and Pakistan contributing approximately 3,000 troops each, in comparison to the 1,014 from all the Scandinavian states (Krishnasamy, 58). However, reliance on these figures alone present several problems. Although the UN data that is available to the public is reliable, misinterpretation often occurs. Since the shift from traditional peacekeeping, UN peacekeepers dhave encompassed a wide range of personnel. A peacekeeper could be defined as a military trooper, military observer, civilian personnel, policeman, or volunteer (“United Nations Peacekeeping: Meeting New Challenges”). Determining the actual number of military troops, therefore, requires further statistical research. Although there is a wide range of classifications, the available data still points to the Asian nations as being the largest contributors of personnel of all kinds to the UNDPKO.

With the rise of Asian peacekeepers in the international system, several opportunities have been created to question their overall contribution to UN peacekeeping. Salman Ahmed, Senior Political Advisor in the Office of the Under Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, noted that Asian peacekeepers in active UN peacekeeping operations are known for their skills as good soldiers. He also stated that nationals from states in the developing world are often “used to” the harsh realties of wartime, making them more acceptant of casualties (Ahmed, Salman). However, he noted that peacekeepers from these countries are often not properly trained to handle sophisticated military equipment. Although the troops could be trained prior to deployment, time is taken up during pre-deployment preparations (Krishnasamy, 58). Ahmed also noted that often, nationals from the developing world are more able to sympathize with the plight of the citizens of the countries they working in. Because several of these new peacekeepers understand the devastating effects that often result from colonialism, they are more able to relate with those they are protecting. By this theory, local people are less intimidated by the peacekeepers that are assigned to protect them. Local people would therefore, be less likely to show signs of animosity towards their peacekeepers. Unlike the perceived negative associations that local people in missions have towards Westerners, developing world peacekeepers are not as stigmatized (Ross). The overall efficiency of these Asian peacekeepers has led to their recent domination in the UNDPKO (Ahmed, Salman).
Ahmed noted that the rise of Asian peacekeepers could be due to a speculation that developing countries could avoid supplying troops to the War in Iraq once they commit troops to the UNDPKO. Coincidentally, the top three troop contributors to the UNDPKO are not part of the 22 non-U.S. military forces stationed in Iraq (“Iraq Coalition Troops”). Another common explanation for the strong desire to contribute to the UNDPKO is the perceived enhancement of a country’s international image. Contributions to UN peace operations are often motivated by desires to be “attractive to the international community,” which could result in stronger bilateral or multilateral ties. India is known for seeking to strengthen its status in the international system in order to move towards being considered a ‘great’ power. Speculations have also been made about India’s candidacy for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council, and its relation to strong support for the UNDPKO. Pakistan, on the other hand, may be just as active as India as a TCN to balance the threat it perceives from its neighbor (Krishnasamy, 58).

Although the contributions of Asian UN peacekeepers to the security of the international system are vast, there is minimal recognition for the work that they do. The stigma attached to many of the leading TCNs is that they are from the developing world, which creates a general divide at the Fourth Committee of the UN General Assembly (the Fourth Committee is essentially responsible for matters relating to the UNDPKO). It was noted during a 2000 session of the Fourth Committee that many countries “are still under-represented in the DPKO,” which called for concern from the higher offices of the UN. A delegate from the Philippines noted that, "troop contributors from developing countries should not be left out, as they feel they had been, during policy discussions and early planning phases of peacekeeping missions. Troop contributors from developing countries should be allowed to join the nexus that presently binds the Secretariat and rich troop contributing countries on peacekeeping" (Krishnasamy, 63).

Several developing countries advocating this argument were from one of the largest blocs in the General Assembly, the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).While it is argued that TCNs from NAM sought some form of “recognition” from the Fourth Committee for their peacekeeping efforts around the world, their reaction was interpreted differently. The UN Secretariat, in particular, saw the push for more involvement in the consultation side of the UNDPKO mandates as a way to obtain more power, therefore forcing co-sovereignty (Krishnasamy, 63). Most members of NAM further attested that those who take on “a more direct role in peacekeeping operations” often lack proper recognition, as compared to those who have “an indirect role but who contribute financial and logistical support” (Krishnasamy, 64).

Peacekeepers from Asia are currently working in missions all over the world. Since their status at the UNDPKO is often not officially recognized, it is quite rare to see their efforts make headlines. In 2000, during the outbreak of violent conflict in Sierra Leone, the UN looked to peacekeepers from South Asia to ease tensions. The U.S., playing an indirect role, chose to transport Bangladeshi peacekeepers to Sierra Leone to join the contingent of African Union (AU) forces. South Asia’s role in peacekeeping in Sierra Leone, however, began long before the Bangladeshi deployment in 2000 (Ahmed, Kamal). Ten thousand predominantly Asian peacekeepers were also set to take part in a mission to Sudan. Because of the inability of the AU troops stationed in the region to keep the conflict under control, the UNDPKO decided in 2006 to deploy a force to assist the AU troops (Fisher). However, the force was later rejected as the Sudanese President, Omar al-Bashir, resisted the UNDPKO mandate (Heinlein). Finally, on January 31st, a reported force of “more than a hundred” female peacekeepers from India was deployed to Liberia (Ross). The mission in Liberia is intended to aid in the rebuilding of the country’s weak security force. It was noted that the experience most of the women had serving in “turbulent areas” of Northern India served as ample preparation for the mission in Liberia (Ross).

The collective efforts of several states in Asia to take on the challenges of the UNDPKO in recent years are notable. Since the transition from traditional to multidimensional peacekeeping, the inclusion of several nationals from Asian developing states managed to overtake the roles of Canada and the Scandinavian states at the UNDPKO. While Canada and the Scandinavian states were not necessarily considered ineffective TCNs, the need for the UNDPKO to extend participation to members of the developing world soon created the opportunity for their dominance. Asian peacekeepers from developing states brought with them to the UNDPKO several essential qualities that allowed for them to be considered effective. Because of the qualities they possessed, mostly from experience on the field and at home, Asians at the UNDPKO managed to rise and become the top TCNs in the international system. Although their contributions to peacekeeping in the international system are still severely under-recognized, their impact on peace itself cannot be discounted. They have taken on direct roles in violent conflicts and have secured for themselves a notable position in the realm of international peacekeeping.

Bibliography

Acharya, Amitav. “Asian Norms and Practices in UN Peace Operations.” UN Peace Operations and Asian Security. Acharya, Amitav and Mely Caballero-Anthony, eds. New York: Routledge, 2005.

Ahmed, Kamal. “South Asia’s UN Peace Role.” BBC News. 9 May 2000.

Ahmed, Salman. Lecture. “The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations.” Seton Hall University and the United Nations Association of the United States of America. United Nations Headquarters, New York, NY. 20 July 2006.

Fisher, Jonah. “Darfur’s doomed peacekeeping mission.” BBC News. 9 March 2006.

Heinlein, Peter. “Sudan Rejects UN Peacekeepers.” Voice of America News. 20 September 2006.

Jockel, Joseph T. Canada and International Peacekeeping. Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1994.

Krishnasamy, Kabilan. “‘Recognition’ for Third World Peacekeepers: India and Pakistan,” International Peacekeeping, 8:4, pg. 56-76 (2001).

Ratner, Steven R. The New UN Peacekeeping. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995.

Ross, Will. “Liberia gets all-female peacekeeping force.” BBC News. 31 January 2007.

“Iraq Coalition Troops.” GlobalSecurity.org. November 2006.

“Ranking of Miliary and Police Contributions to UN Operations (Monthly Report).” UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations. 31 December 2006.

“United Nations Peacekeeping.” UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations.

“United Nations Peacekeeping: Meeting New Challenges.” United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations. New York: United Nations Department of Public Information. June 2006.

whateve(red)

2007-02-07T18:58:00.000-08:00

Not that I have absolutely no sympathy for those in Africa affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic characteristic of their continent (it really is a terrible disease, and I wouldn't mind having it erased from the earth), but who are we trying to fool?

Product (RED) taps into the beast that is American consumerism. Unlike our previously colorless lives, we can now take advantage of red-colored cellular phones, iPod nanos, shoes, watches, credit cards, and get this -- t-shirts. Before you think America has turned happy-go-Communist, check out the official press release. Not that I discourage those consumers who favor buying products which eventually impact the lives of those in other continents, but should we really sensationalize HIV/AIDS even more?

People living on (cue everyone's favorite statistic) less than around $2 a day are more likely to die of diarrhea -- a CURABLE disease -- than AIDS. But why isn't Bono jumping on the anti-diarrhea bandwagon? Maybe it's too difficult to come up with a diarrhea ribbon, or celebrities are afraid of attaching themselves to a highly unattractive disease. Maybe nobody wants to make a quilt for diarrhea. Maybe more people think that Magic Johnson with AIDS > Magic Johnson with diarrhea. Who knows.

Regardless, since the campaign is in full-swing, I wish those handling the $$$ take time to reflect on efficient distribution. It's about addressing what is most important at the time. Everybody's concerned about getting tested for HIV, sex education, and treatment, but those poor people still go home to crappy shacks with bad water. It's likely that more people worry about where to get water for themselves and their kids than skipping a dose of AZT.

So, if you're already guiltily holding your limited edition (RED) iPod nano for your Valentine, don't feel too bad. I'm sure a village in Africa will be getting some form of support. Hopefully, the support addresses the prudent hierarchy of problems.

all-women peacekeeping mission in Liberia

2007-02-06T22:25:00.000-08:00

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6316387.stm

A good friend of mine passed that along to me. The participation of Asians in UN peace operations is certainly astounding. Who would have thought that the kids from the East would look better in the blue helmets?